Reparations are Another Empty Pledge Without an Empowered Pan-African Parliament

Ah, the African Union! A majestic organization with big dreams, flashy themes, and, of course, a grand declaration for 2025: “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations.” Reparations, we hear you cry? Yes, indeed! A year of justice, a year of righting wrongs, of addressing the vast historical wounds inflicted by colonialism, slavery, and decades of systemic exploitation . But wait, there’s just one little snag in this bold vision: the Pan-African Parliament (PAP).

If the PAP were a superhero, it would be the one standing awkwardly in the background at a costume party, while everyone else is out there saving the world. You see, the PAP — the so-called legislative powerhouse of the African Union — is still clinging to the hope that someone, somewhere will hand it a legislative cape. As things stand, the PAP’s resolutions and recommendations are about as binding as a wet napkin — soft, flimsy, and of no real consequence.

Enter the Malabo Protocol, a dazzling piece of legal architecture that promises to empower the PAP with full legislative authority. Once the Malabo Protocol is ratified (and let’s not hold our breath), the PAP could finally wave its mighty wand of justice, passing AU-wide laws that demand transitional justice for every nation. Reparations for all! Land restitution! Public apologies! Memorials for the millions wronged by conquistados, colonial powers and cruel regimes!

But alas, here’s the kicker: The African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP), the very framework designed to lead this charge, is about as successful as a paper airplane in a windstorm. Sure, there’s been some progress scattered across the continent. South Africa has tried its hand at reparations for apartheid victims , and Rwanda has given reparative justice to survivors of the genocide. But in the grand scheme of things, the policy remains a fantastic set of ideas with a distinctly uninspiring track record. Why? Simple: weak implementation, lack of political will, and insufficient funding. Oh, and the small matter of addressing deeply complex atrocities across diverse African and Diaspora contexts is like trying to mount an elephant on a bicycle. America’s FBA squad is already firing shots at African Union’s attempts at supporting reparations at home and abroad!

This, dear reader, is where the PAP could step up, or so we hope. But for that to happen, the Malabo Protocol needs to be ratified, and the PAP must be given real teeth to enforce the AU’s reparations agenda. Without full legislative power, PAP will continue to be an unsung hero, its hands tied and its voice barely a whisper in the legislative halls of African Union’s member states. The best they can do now is politely suggest that member states maybe, perhaps, think about reparations someday — if they’re feeling generous about ratifying the Malabo Protocol.

So, while 2025 might be hailed as the “Year of Reparations,” let’s face it — without an empowered PAP, it risks becoming the year of meaningless proclamations.

Will the Pan-African Parliament finally break free from its political shackles? Will the Malabo Protocol pass and grant it the legislative superpowers it needs to enforce real change? Or will we watch in despair as another year of reparative justice goes the way of countless previous themes: unfulfilled and unimplemented?

Here’s hoping that 2025 won’t just be the year of reparations on paper. It is time Africa makes it the year where justice finally meets action. But for that, someone better hand the Pan-African Parliament the keys to the kingdom — or at least, the legislative authority.