The Carter administration called for majority rule in South Africa and Rhodesia, an end to Apartheid rule
President Jimmy Carter, who recently passed on at the noble age of 100, is one outstanding leader who influenced American foreign policy in Africa during his time in office (1977–81) and after. Due to a series of unfortunate events he lost his reelection campaign in 1980. It is argued that his foreign policy was by in large negative by creating conditions for today’s geopolitical drama. President Carter managed to salvage his reputation post-office humanitarian work, both at home and abroad.
President Carter was elected in 1976 after serving as Georgia state senator & then governor. Rising to the most powerful position in the world during the Cold War era (1947–1989), President Jimmy Carter faced the significant task of safeguarding American interests amid a shifting global socio-political landscape.
While Carter emphasized human rights and democracy as central pillars of his foreign policy, he often compromised these ideals when aligning with strategic allies to counter growing Soviet influence, prioritizing broader U.S. geopolitical interests over consistent adherence to his stated principles.
In Africa, poorly managed diplomatic missions in Liberia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Somalia, Congo, Central African Republic, Nigeria, Tanzania and South Africa, left a mixed and often negative legacy. And sometimes well-meaning interventions such as in Zimbabwe, collapsed with the loss of his second-term bid against President Ronald Regan.
Contradictory Foreign Policy
President Jimmy Carter is often accused of compromising the same ideals he stood for when aligning with strategic allies to counter growing Soviet influence. As with China, he prioritized broader U.S. geopolitical interests over consistent adherence to his stated principles of democracy, good governance, and human rights. In the Carter years, analysts advocated for support for communist states in Asia and Africa which demonstrate independence from USSR and willing to contribute to overall stability.
It is held that policymakers in Washington understood that states and movements in developing countries could be authentically anti-imperialist only in alliance with the world revolutionary movement, especially the USSR and the socialist community. Therefore, President Carter’s decision to support communists states in Africa inherently thwarted, delayed or altered in one way or another, the genuine movements against imperialism in Africa. Marxist or Socialist was of no consequence as long as these movements were anti-Soviet.
The Horn of Africa
Ethiopia under President Mengistu Haile Mariam was a surrogate of US against soviet interests in the Horn of Africa region, particularly against Soviet-allied Somalia and Eritrean siccessionist. In return, Ethiopia’s government relied on U.S. military support, and would regain a federation with Eritrea, which had been broken up by Emperor Haile Selassie. The split happened when President Mengistu executed his general and closed down various U.S. institutions in the country. He then proceeded to sign a friendship treaty in the Soviet Union, and Ethiopia started receiving weapons and economic support from other socialist countries. In response, President Jimmy Carter cut off military assistance and trade benefits to Ethiopia.
At the end of the 1970s, the Carter Administration decided to back Somalia as part of its Cold War strategy in the Horn of Africa. On 12 January 1978 President Jimmy Carter accused the Soviet Union of Dispatching Cubans to Ethiopia. The Russians responded by pointing to the US link to Somalia, Saudi Arabia and Iran. At the same time, US spies were captured in Rhodesia and Kenya.
The analysts in Washington called for the isolation of Ethiopia during Carter Administration and this continued to the Reagan Administration where support for Eritreans as a means to countering Soviet and Cuban support for the Ethiopian regime. The forces in collusion with US imperialism included the EPLF in Eritrea and the TPLF in northern Ethiopia. The EPLF was officially a Marxist organisation at the time. Since it was claimed that more than 5000 Cuban and Soviet agents were stationed in Ethiopia handling military planning and support operations, the the U.S Foregn Policy back Eritrean rebels seeking succession or substantial autonomy.
The collaboration between the EPLF and TPLF, along with U.S. diplomatic support, was instrumental in reshaping the political landscape of the Horn of Africa. In 1991, Eritrea achieved de facto independence after a 30-year war for liberation against Ethiopia. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), led by Isaias Afwerki, played a crucial role in securing victory by defeating Ethiopian forces and taking control of Eritrea.
Simultaneously, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), under the leadership of Meles Zenawi, overthrew the Marxist-Leninist Derg regime led by Mengistu Haile Mariam in Ethiopia. The United States played a significant diplomatic role, facilitating negotiations between the EPLF and TPLF to ensure a peaceful transition and regional stability. This resulted in Eritrea establishing a transitional government and preparing for a referendum in 1993, where Eritreans overwhelmingly voted for formal independence.
An Affair which cost Egypt’s membership in the Arab-League
Egypt’s President Anwar Sadat who came into power after the death of President Gamal Nasser declared the Yom Kippur War, the first Israeli-Arab war, in October 1973 . In an effort to broker peace, U.S. President Jimmy Carter worked diligently to mediate between Egypt and Israel. The peace agreement successfully led to Israel returning a strip of land in the Sinai to Egypt, restoring U.S.-Egypt relations, and signing a peace agreement between the two nations.
However, the Camp David Accords came at a significant cost for Egypt, who found herself isolated from the rest of the Arab World. The plan to merge with Libya eventually failed and only created further tension with its neighbour in the west. Egypt served US strategic regional interest and in return, managed to mitigate the consequences of regional isolation, retained a territory on the Sinai side of the Suez Canal, received economic support to create a strong economic foundation for the now one of Africa’s leading African economies.
In 1987, Arab League states restored diplomatic relations with Egypt, the country was readmitted to the League in May 1989 and the League’s headquarters were moved back to Cairo in September 1990.
A historic diplomatic faux pas demonstrating contradictory policy in Africa was when President Carter sent Muhammad Ali, a boxer, on a five nation tour in Africa to get African nations to support the American calls to boycott the 1980 Olympics which were being held in Moscow in protest of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Ali was not aware that the Soviet Union was supporting liberation movements in Africa. Of the five nations he visited, only two of the nations whose leaders were receiving US support (Kenya and Liberia) agreed to observe the boycott. President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania refused to meet with Ali due to the reason that the United States had ignored the call by African states for stricter sanctions on South Africa.
Among human rights abusers whom President Carter continued to tolerate was Joseph Mobutu of Zaire. This included providing military support for Mobutu to combat the Congolese National Liberation Front. Carter also accused Cuba of supporting the rebel movement against Mobutu.
Carter also provided support for Samuel Doe who came to power in a bloody military coup in Liberia. According to Rufus Berry, “The legacy of U.S. interference under Carter’s administration remains deeply felt by many Liberians today. While post-presidency Jimmy Carter earned global respect for his humanitarian efforts, his role in the destruction of Liberia’s stability and peace is an indelible stain on his record.”
Promoting Democratic Governance Through the Carter Center
In 2002, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.”
Jimmy Carter’s post-presidency work in combating Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs) targeting guinea worm, lymphatic filariasis, river blindness and trachoma, is widely regarded as one of his most significant humanitarian efforts. In 1982, President Carter launched a global initiative to eradicate guinea worm, a parasitic disease. According to CDC, the disease had reached alarming levels, with an estimated 3.5 million cases reported annually across 20 African and Asian countries by 1982. The high incidence of the disease during this period led to significant social and economic burdens in affected regions, prompting global health initiatives aimed at its eradication.
The Carter Center partnered with organizations such as the World Health Organization and UNICEF to implement the program. Nigeria, Zambia, South Sudan, Ghana, Mali, Ethiopia, and Chad were among the countries most impacted by guinea worm, and where Carter’s efforts were concentrated. By 2015, the incidence of guinea worm disease had been reduced by over 99%, and it was hailed as a potential model for eradicating other diseases. Carter’s tireless advocacy for the health and welfare of the world’s most vulnerable populations cemented his legacy as a champion of global health.
Election Monitoring
In his 1962 campaign for the Georgia state legislature, Jimmy Carter experienced firsthand the challenges of electoral integrity in an era marked by political corruption and racial tension. Despite winning the election, Carter discovered that local political bosses had manipulated the results to deny him victory. Refusing to accept this injustice, he fought a legal battle to have the fraudulent results overturned, ultimately securing his rightful seat. This early encounter with election manipulation shaped President Carter’s interest in election monitoring and became part of his work post presidency.
In Guyana, President Carter intervened to mediate and monitor the country’s electoral process. He helped pressure the Guyanese government to allow for transparent voting mechanisms and international observers. Carter’s efforts culminated in the 1992 general elections, which were widely regarded as the first free and fair elections in Guyana’s modern history. The Alliance for Change (AFC) party in Guyana paid tribute to Carter for his role in helping to usher in fair and free elections in Guyana after years of rigged elections under the leadership of President Forbes Burnham.
Of the 40 countries where the Carter Center has carried out electoral observation, 18 are in Africa. His team assessed 2005 elections in Ethiopia and Liberia, the 2016 vote in Zambia, Cote d’Ivoire in 2020 and 2023 votes in the DRC and Zimbabwe.
Carter Center’s Election Integrity programs in Africa were in part aided by founding membership in The Elders, a group founded in 2007 by President Nelson Mandela alongside Rev. Desmond Tutu, and H.E. Kofi Anan. The group comprise of former African heads of states who nolonger hold public office and serving as advisors and mediators in matters promoting democracy, justice, peace and human rights across the continent.
Majority Rule for Apartheid South-Africa and Rhodesia
H.E. Ambassador Andrew Young, a prominent civil rights leader was appointed Ambassador to the United Nations during the Carter Administration. From having partnered with Carter at home during the fight for Civil Rights, he instrumental in President Jimmy Carter’s diplomatic interventions in Africa. Their relationship began in 1970 when Carter was running for governor of Georgia, and Young was a key figure in the civil rights movement alongside Rev. Martin Luther King. He was also closely linked to the movement against Apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia (present day Zimbabwe).
The Carter administration called for majority rule in South Africa. In 1977 President Jimmy Carter sent Vice-President Walter Mondale to tell Vorster that South-African-US Relations were at a watershed, instantly putting South Africa in isolation.
Instead, Carter with the influence of Ambassador Young, treaded the South Africa — Rhodesia waters so carefully that Ian Smith and his apartheid counterparts in the south nick-named him a “slippery customer”. While maintaining relations with South Africa for the convience of her uranium that was critical in countering the Soviet nuclear threat, Carter remained a hardliner on majority rule for South Africa and her northern neighbor, Rhodesia who felt that her problems were execerbated by the extreme situation in the south. Even after Ian Smith’s attempt at introducing black representation through a more agreeable new Prime Minister Bishop Muzorewa who took office on 1 June 1979, President Jimmy Carter frustrated that effort by announcing that the U.S would not remove sanctions on the two countries which were really under minority rule.
Aggrived Smith and Muzorewa thought President Carter’s hypocrisy and rank dishonesty was unbelievable and unthinkable. They believed that he was entangled to his commitment to his Black voters in the impending election against Reagan, further demonstrating the influence of civil rights leaders, among them Ambassador Andrew Young who are also credited for the ushering of majority rule in Zimbabwe and South Africa.
US assistant secretary for African Affairs Chester Crocker was a consistent critic of President Carter’s African policy and had opposed Andrew Young’s line that ‘..in the light of African Nationalism, US policy should back African Solutions to African problems’. He argued, that African Nationalism was fuelled by an infusion of communist military equipment. He further said ‘..in Africa’s increasingly militarized context, a policy of support for African solutions may in fact amount to support for military solutions imposed by other external powers.
In March 1978, President Jimmy Carter embarked on a historic state visit to Nigeria, marking the first time a sitting U.S. president visited sub-Saharan Africa. This visit aimed to strengthen diplomatic and economic ties between the United States and Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and a leading oil producer. During his visit, Carter engaged in discussions with Nigerian leader General Olusegun Obasanjo, focusing on enhancing bilateral relations, promoting economic cooperation, and addressing regional issues, including the situation in Southern Africa. This visit symbolized a shift in U.S. foreign policy towards greater engagement with African nations, moving away from previous eras of neglect.
His landmark decision to normalize diplomatic relations with China in 1979 laid the foundation for stronger U.S.-China economic and political ties. This demonstrated Carter’s ability to prioritize long-term strategic collaboration over ideological differences — a principle that resonates with the current need for U.S.-China cooperation in Africa. Scholars believe that in a world where both the U.S. and China are significant players in Africa, Carter’s approach suggests he would seek to balance competition with cooperation, urging both nations to work together in advancing Africa’s development agenda rather than allowing rivalry to hinder progress.
Conclusion
Carter’s policies in Africa, while aligned with those of many U.S. presidents who often supported authoritarian regimes on the continent, tended to downplay African concerns and treat them with insufficient urgency. However, Carter’s unique humanitarian work after leaving office has become a defining aspect of his legacy as a public figure.
His partnership with figures such as Ambassador Andrew Young highlighted his commitment to human rights, but the pushback from U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Chester Crocker, often obstructed more progressive steps, reflecting the tension between Carter’s humanitarian goals and the prevailing political realities of his administration. This is especially relevant today, as U.S. foreign policy in Africa continues to repeat the same missteps that Carter made during his time in office, revealing the ongoing struggle to reconcile political interests with genuine support for African nations.
Citation
- AP News. “Carter’s Visit to Nigeria: A Historic Moment in U.S.-Africa Relations.” AP News, https://apnews.com/article/06e637a7554c1a1109bd2a9e1e5390de. Accessed 4Jan. 2025.
- Arnold, Guy. Africa: A Modern History. Atlantic Books, 2005.
- History.State.Gov. “Travels of President Jimmy Carter.” Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State, https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/travels/president/carter-jimmy. Accessed 1 Jan. 2025.
- SAIS-CARI. “China-Africa Trade.” China Africa Research Initiative, Johns Hopkins University, https://www.sais-cari.org/data-china-africa-trade. Accessed 4 Jan. 2025.
- Smith, Ian. The Great Betrayal: The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith. Blake Publishing, 1997.
- The HistoryVille. “When President Jimmy Carter Visited Nigeria in 1978.” HistoryVille, https://www.thehistoryville.com/jimmy-carter-visits-nigeria/. Accessed 31 Dec. 2024.
- Liberian Observer. “Why Some Liberians Might Not Mourn the Death of President Jimmy Carter.” Liberian Observer, https://www.liberianobserver.com/opinion/commentaries/why-some-liberians-might-not-mourn-the-death-of-president-jimmy-carter/article_13f25da4-c6bd-11ef-983d-13ae6a6b8421.html. Accessed 1 Jan. 2025.
